By Amnon Altman

This booklet deals a distinct survey of criminal practices and ideas with regards to diplomacy within the historical close to East among 2500 and 330 BCE. instead of getting into the talk at the non-stop improvement of overseas legislation in Antiquity, the publication discloses an enormous volume of textual fabric from the traditional close to East which sheds gentle at the felony law and association of diplomacy in numerous epochs of pre-classical Antiquity. The booklet is a treasure trove of knowledge for the historian of overseas legislation who desires to acquaint himself with the remotest heritage of foreign legislations, whereas it's going to additionally serve the final historian of the traditional close to East who desires to acquaint himself with the overseas legislations of the interval.

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22 Duplicate manuscripts of some Sumerian myths and hymns have been found in Fāra and Abu Salabikh, dated to ca. 2600–2500: see Krebernik 1998: pp. 317–335. But their (oral) origin should have been still much earlier. 23 For these see Jacobsen 1957: pp. 99–109. It should be taken into account that religious concepts are usually much more conservative and not easily given to rapid changes, and once put in writing they tend to become fossil. 28 Accordingly, Enlil is presented as the one who fixed the boundaries of the lands, namely the terrestrial estate of each of the more prominent gods, and his decisions are presented as final without the review and consent of any divine assembly.

While some powerful city-states outside the Sumerian region are mentioned as taking part in the playoff to gain hegemony over the alluvial plain, the actual orbit of these inscriptions was limited to the southern Sumerian city-states. Things began to change with the onset of the Sargonic Period (2334– 2113),1 which introduced the Eastern Semitic Akkadians to the historical scene. 2 1 The dates, which include the 40 years of Gutian rule, follow Brinkman 1977’s chronology. For a more recent discussion of the various opinions, see Boese 1982 and Foster 1982a: pp.

I doubt, therefore, whether Steinkeller (1993: p. ” Cf. Cooper’s doubts regarding the veracity of Eanatum’s declaration that he only “restored” Ningirsu’s Gu’edena to Lagash: Cooper 1983a: p. 28. ) 1993: p. 160 where he regards the Sumerians as “a people of law and order”. 39 At the same time, however, it also reflects the concept that even where the wronged king had the right to redress that wrong, he was still required to first obtain authorization from the supreme god. 40 At this stage of social development, when new institutions suitable to cope with the expanding society had not yet evolved, and society still lacked the tools to impose its law on its members, the burden to redress a wrong should have been left to the wronged party.

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