By Donald Wood

This twenty sixth quantity within the "Research in monetary Anthropology" sequence differs in major methods from all those who have come prior to. For one, it's the first "REA" quantity to concentration solely at the factor of overall healthiness. moreover, it's not as involved total with fiscal or social concept, or with monetary reasoning and motion, as different volumes were. fairly, it concentrates at the identity and research of vital fiscal components within the creation of future health and health. This quantity contains ten unique anthropological papers that discover the final topic of the economics of wellbeing and fitness and well being in various methods. a few of these papers are extra strongly ethnographic in nature, depending thoroughly on qualitative information derived from participant-observer tools at which ethnographers excel. different papers effectively combination such details with quantitative information drawn from surveys, questionnaires, or even from organic samples.All papers, besides the fact that, are grounded in empirical equipment and in keeping with information drawn from the non-public investigations of the authors. topics and geographic components represented within the quantity are: Lakota citizens of the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota, united states; rural humans of Bangladesh; psychological health and wellbeing care amenities and structures in Texas, united states; unsuccessful rural-urban migrants in Botswana, Southern Africa; loggers in British Columbia, Canada; municipal bus drivers in San Francisco, California; bad citizens of Puebla, Mexico; slum dwellers of Lima, Peru; girl sufferers of household abuse in Northern Vietnam; and, fans of Tibetan Buddhism in France. It good points unique articles written by means of specialists of their fields. it truly is overseas in its scope.

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Extra resources for The Economics of Health and Wellness: Anthropological Perspectives (Research in Economic Anthropology, Vol 26)

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People express at least annoyance, and often anger, fear, and resentment stemming from negative experiences at IHS. Although it is most often individuals who experience negative interactions or situations, individuals share those occurrences with their family and friends. These individual accounts then become shared collective community memories and beliefs, which reinforce the perceived inadequacies of IHS. For example, one participant went into the IHS hospital after injuring her knee. She waited in the emergency room lobby for three hours, watching two people die, one an elderly woman and the other a young man bleeding from a gun shot wound.

Traditional health care providers in 42 AZIZUR R. MOLLA Table 1. Descriptive Statistics of Variables Included in the Analysis (N=520). 51–5 acres More than 5 acres Toilet facilities Open Slab/sanitary toilet Hanging Electricity facility (no=1) rural Bangladesh are presented in Table 2. The results are provided as odds ratios. Models 1–3 are the results of the effects of various factors to visit untrained health care providers vs. traditional health care providers. Similarly, the results of Models 4–6 provide the effects of various factors Odds Ratio Estimates from the Multinomial Logistic Regression Predicting the Relationship Between Visit to Health Care Providers and Various Other Factors (N=520).

The modern sector consists of scientific medicine, provided by doctors, nurses, clinics, and hospitals. In a system of medical pluralism, rural people have many alternatives when they get sick. Some rural households prefer to visit traditional healers, others prefer to visit modern but locally available untrained health care providers, and some attempt to visit qualified doctors. For example, Fosu (1989) identified the use of clinics, drug stores, and traditional headers to deliver health care service in Ghana.

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