By Lilian A. Barria, Steven D. Roper

Through the transition to democracy, states have used quite a few mechanisms to handle earlier human rights abuses together with family trials, fact and reconciliation commissions and internationalized tribunals. This quantity analyzes the transitional justice offerings made by way of 4 nations: Argentina, Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), Sierra Leone and East Timor. for every state, there's a bankruptcy which gives a historic review about the factors of the clash and next chapters which spotlight a unique approach to transitional justice applied. the amount highlights the possibilities and the restrictions confronted by way of states and the foreign neighborhood to supply responsibility for human rights violations.

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Extra resources for The Development of Institutions of Human Rights: A Comparative Study (Perspectives in Comparative Politics)

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Often these would be directed against the government, innocently at first, such as “el que no salta es un military” (“anyone who does not jump is a military man”). This provoked the curious spectacle of the whole stadium jumping in unison upon their seats (Vila 1987). However, as time went on, another chant became more common “se va a acabar, se va a acabar la dictadura military” (“it is going to end, it is going to end, the dictatorship is going to end”). Such a phenomenon actually converted bemused musicians into a sort of audience that could only watch Argentina’s PROCESO 29 and interpret.

The regime itself made clear its revolutionary ambitions to remake society, but played down the financial agenda and its implementation of neoliberal economic policies. In reality, however, what was supposed to be a war against dangerous Marxist terrorists was in many ways a war against workers. One example is the focused attack on trade unionism; the military carried out surgical strikes against members of the trade unions on either the day of the coup or the following day. These attacks were clearly planned well in advance, as they were timed to coincide with—and be concealed by—the initial chaos of the coup (Nunca Mas 1986).

This TRC was established in December 1983, and over the course of nine months, it heard testimony from relatives of the disappeared, survivors, and other witnesses and gathered evidence about the clandestine detention centers where the victims were held. The commission’s final report, entitled Nunca Mas (Never Again), was published in November 1984 and was groundbreaking in terms of its discussion about the violence during the military regime. Nunca Mas was used as a basis for the subsequent prosecution of officials involved in the Dirty War.

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