By Kimberly Springer

The 1st in-depth research of the black feminist stream, Living for the Revolution fills in an important yet neglected bankruptcy in African American, women’s, and social flow heritage. via unique oral background interviews with key activists and research of formerly unexamined organizational documents, Kimberly Springer lines the emergence, lifestyles, and decline of numerous black feminist organisations: the 3rd global Women’s Alliance, Black ladies prepared for motion, the nationwide Black Feminist association, the nationwide Alliance of Black Feminists, and the Combahee River Collective. the 1st of those to shape used to be based in 1968; all 5 have been defunct by way of 1980. Springer demonstrates that those organisations led the best way in articulating an activist imaginative and prescient shaped through the intersections of race, gender, type, and sexuality.

The corporations that Springer examines have been the 1st to explicitly use feminist conception to additional the paintings of past black women’s enterprises. As she describes, they emerged in keeping with marginalization within the civil rights and women’s routine, stereotyping in pop culture, and misrepresentation in public coverage. Springer compares the organizations’ ideologies, objectives, actions, memberships, management types, funds, and communique concepts. Reflecting at the conflicts, loss of assets, and burnout that resulted in the dying of those teams, she considers the way forward for black feminist organizing, quite on the nationwide point. Living for the Revolution is an important reference: it presents the heritage of a circulation that stimulated black feminist idea and civil rights activism for many years to come back.

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Extra info for Living for the Revolution: Black Feminist Organizations, 1968–1980

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Took on leadership positions in student-run civil rights organizations and faced the challenges of leadership in mixed-sex organizations. Moreover, like m n involved in the movement, they stood up to police violence. Yet, unlike older women involved in the civil rights movement, the first rumblings of the contemporary feminist mov ment inHuenced how younger women viewed th it leadership potential. One of the first eruptions of feminist consciousness in the civil rights mov"ment occurr d in the wake of a position paper delivered at SNCC'g (964 Waveland, Mississippi.

The rhetoric of "Black Power" actively translated ioto th Black Pride aesthetic in music, art, and, most ofall, the physical appearance of black people. "Black is Beautiful" reigned as the guiding principle for black women's and men's perceptions of one another. Black women's potential political allegiance with white women was viewed as disrupting the developing aesthetic of black beauty and breaking ranks with black men by seeming to value "white" politics over Black Power. r1y when black men formed intimate emotional and physical relationships with white women.

Black woman's alleged liberated status also helped some blacks downplay the necessity of forming independent black feminist organizations. Several aspects of the Moynihan report are rooted in patriarchal and racist ideologies of the family and womanhood. Moynihan ignored persistent racial discrimination as a factor in black male unemployment rates. Black women did not usurp black men's jobs, because black women occupied gendered positions in the sex-segregated job market. -born and white thme immigrant men.

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