By Anne Logan

This e-book provides a complete research of the missed tale of the involvement of the women's circulate with felony justice coverage within the twentieth century. Taking the subject from the 'suffragette' period to the early days of 'second-wave' feminism, the booklet argues that legal justice coverage has been a continuing drawback for feminists.

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Extra resources for Feminism and Criminal Justice: A Historical Perspective

Sample text

Mrs Rackham’s column also featured reviews of books of interest to magistrates and social workers (for example Cyril Burt’s The Young Delinquent) and provided useful summaries of lengthy official documents such as the annual reports of the Prisons Commission. 22 Close co-operation with the HLPR was evident as early as 1923 when ‘The Law at Work’ recommended the latest edition of the Howard Journal to readers. 23 Much of this closeness may be ascribed to Mrs Rackham’s personal friendship and association with Margery Fry at the hub of the feminist–criminal–justice reform network.

Its founding chairman, Edith Sessions, had attended the NUSEC summer school in 1922 and together with Ethel Hartland she called an initial meeting of 38 Feminism and Criminal Justice Gloucestershire’s women magistrates a few weeks later. 89 Eight women attended the first meeting in September 1922, but later on, after more women in the county had been made magistrates, the attendance ranged between one and two dozen. Active members formed a representative sample of Gloucestershire’s women justices, including Lillian Faithfull, the principal of Cheltenham Ladies’ College; Rosa Pease, the founder of the Women Police Training School in Bristol; and Ada Prosser, a women’s trade union activist of working-class origins.

The involvement of several individuals in both the Commons and the Lords in supporting specific campaigns will be highlighted in subsequent chapters of this book. The MPs and lords who put down questions and promoted private member’s bills were drawn from all political parties and from both sexes. Their action was facilitated by the pressure groups’ employment of full-time secretaries and by the formation of all-party groups within parliament. 101 The national pressure groups described in this chapter kept up their contacts with an ever-changing group of sympathetic MPs over the decades.

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