By J. William Harris

Deep Souths tells the tales of 3 southern areas from Reconstruction to global conflict II: the Mississippi-Yazoo Delta, the japanese Piedmont of Georgia, and the Georgia Sea Islands and Atlantic coast. notwithstanding those areas in the beginning shared the histories and populations we go along with the assumption of a "Deep South"—all had economies in keeping with slave plantation exertions in 1860—their histories diverged sharply throughout the 3 generations after Reconstruction. With learn amassed from oral histories, census stories, and a large choice of alternative assets, Harris lines those local alterations in cumulative tales of people around the social spectrum. Deep Souths provides a comparative and ground-level view of heritage that demanding situations the concept the reduce South was once both uniform or static within the period of segregation. by means of the top of the hot Deal period, alterations in those areas had ready the best way for the civil rights flow and the tip of segregation.

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Doing all manner of odd jobs—They have no boy now and are forced to do everything themselves. ’’ Four years later she reported that Bourke ‘‘has been so busy, he is away every day but Sundays. He starts before daylight. I manage to get him breakfast three days out of the six. ’’ Bourke Spalding later tried growing potatoes, vegetables, and melons. ≥∏ The final fate of the Spalding cotton fields was shared by all the great Sea Island cotton plantations in Georgia. Whatever wage it might have taken to get freedmen to dig mud in the winter and haul it up to the cotton lands, these planters were unable to pay.

Nearly all rice grown in the United States was raised on places with irrigation systems owned by wealthy planters, and it would hardly pay a small farmer to build up dikes for a few acres. Cotton, unlike rice, would grow anywhere with decent soil and a growing season, from last frost to first, of two hundred days or more. The plantations of the cotton belt had always been interspersed with small farms operated by men with few or no slaves. Gowrie had to operate as a single unit, so after the war its rice was raised by day laborers working for wages.

They often received little supervision and the harvest was legally theirs, not the landlord’s, to dispose of. The greater autonomy of renters was considered unfortunate by many white planters. N. J. ∑∫ Yet there are good reasons to think that sharecropping became common in the post–Civil War cotton regions because of economic reasons, not coercion. Few planters and farmers could pay cash wages on a regular basis because they had no cash and, without the slaves that had served as collateral on their loans before the war, they had no ready access to credit either.

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