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Extra resources for Conflicts in Curriculum Theory: Challenging Hegemonic Epistemologies
In this sense, the problematization of the knowledge reflected in the curriculum (a quite ancient concern; cf. Aristotle, 1945) would come to be an extremely complex question, especially in a society that was experiencing the “massive new influx of students into secondary schools” (Kliebard, 1995, p. 7; cf. also Troen, 1976). The economic crisis of 1893, which motivated the growing disbelief in obsolete social institutions (among which the school was no exception), accelerated people’s awareness of the imminence of a new world and of the need for a new school and curriculum (Kliebard, 1988).
333). Finally, in response to the third fallacy Hall pointed out— the assumption that preparing for college is essentially the same as preparing for life—Eliot (1905b) also reiterated that such a doctrine was nowhere laid down in the Report of the Committee of Ten, or in the reports from several of the committee conferences. Hall was the target of a great deal of criticism from a wide range of authors who worked in various sectors of the field of education. Dewey (1897) believed that the child study movement had created great expectations for its capacity to significantly transform curriculum practice; Judd (1909) argued that there was “so much mythology in Dr.
Tyack, 1974). Clearly, as Kaestle (1983) points out, certain aspects of economic development would affect schooling in multiple ways: By fostering commerce, geographical mobility, and communication, capitalism encouraged schooling for literacy, mathematics, and other intellectual skills. By creating more wage labor, capitalism contributed to the demand for work discipline although other factors also account for school discipline. By creating more tightly coordinated productive hierarchies, such as in factories, industrialization promoted the values of punctuality, subordination, and regimentation that came also to characterize schools.