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76 These later outcomes might have been predicted in 1901—not by looking forward to uncertain trajectory of future American policy, but by looking back to the ways in which the architects of American policy conformed to the traditional understanding of education within the American empire. 77 The 46 Benjamin Justice paltry, if relatively prolific, schools set up by the Americans must have seemed small comfort to people who had endured such a catastrophic occupation. Self-interest (and compulsory education laws) led increasing numbers of families to send their children to these schools, though not with results matching the millennial promises of imperial promoters to bring political stability, economic prosperity, insider status, and a fair share of the fruits of the empire.

The New York Times, for example, wrote scathingly of Filipino resistance to the American invasion in February 1899, “We meet these people now, not as pupils at school. ”55 A pupil’s resistance to the teacher’s authority must, of course, be punished severely. 56 But homegrown American racism f lared as Filipino resistance increased. In his study of letters home, Stuart Miller found American soldiers’ views of their experience steeped in racial bigotry and enthusiasm for violence, and not the spread of humanitarianism and education.

John H. Elliott, “The Seizure of Overseas Territories by the European Powers,” in Theories of Empire 1450–1800, ed. David Armitage (Brookfield, VT: Ashgate Publishing, 1998), 139–158. 24. In his Second Treatise on Government (section 49), John Locke explained, “Thus in the beginning all the world was America”; but not all the world had reached the advanced stage of Europe. 25. James H. Merrell, “ ‘The Customs of Our Countrey’: Indians and Colonists in Early America,” in Strangers Within the Realm: Cultural Margins of the First British Empire, ed.

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