By Brynjar Lia

This ebook lines the evolution of the Palestinian police and safety forces, starting with its old antecedents in Lebanon and the occupied territories, and the formation of formal police companies after the Oslo Accords until eventually the outbreak of the second one Intifada in September 2000. The heritage of the Palestinian Police revolves round the basic query of ways a countrywide police strength should be created and operated with no the framework of an self reliant country. except supplying a much more targeted and exact account of the Palestinian Police background than past works, the research additionally offers detailed perception into the issues and dilemmas of policing via non-state actors in conflict torn societies. The examine lines the institution and enlargement of the Palestinian police and defense forces with a spotlight on PLO efforts at recruiting, education and increasing the strength, its political context, institutional improvement, and dilemmas of 'non-state' policing within the context of the political-military clash with Israel. in line with a bunch of recent unpublished resources, spanning from Palestinian Authority files, inner Palestinian Police guides, a different entry to the records of the Norwegian international Ministry (which chaired crucial police coordination committees), and a really thorough evaluation of hundreds of thousands of Arab, Israeli and overseas press, the current learn supplies a different perception right into a hitherto uncharted territory in modern Palestinian and heart jap historical past. This ebook can also be of worthy curiosity to scholars, researchers and practitioners within the box of safety region reform and overseas police tips.

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Additional info for A Police Force Without a State: A History of the Palestinian Security Forces in the West Bank And Gaza

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13 The short-lived guerrilla-state entity in Gaza dealt with social deviance (crime), civil disputes and political crimes, in particular suspected collaborators, signifying the rise of a resistance-based policing authority in the Palestinian community. That authority was enhanced by the absence of local political leadership in Gaza, as the Egyptian military administration had striven to prevent such a leadership from emerging. The Gazan guerrilla success had flaws, however, as the pursuit of suspected informers got dangerously out of hand.

52 Cottam and Marenin (1989), p. 592. , pp. 592–3. 54 Reiner (1992), p. 5. Quoted in Wright and Mawby (1999), p. 338. 55 Berdal (1996), p. 57. 56 Wright and Mawby (1999), pp. 338, 340. 57 The balance between government control and police independence is a fine one. In democratic countries, the government usually has a role in (a) the police’s financial accountability, (b) the legislative basis of its formal accountability procedures and (c) the appointment of the chief of police, but the government should not have operational control.

Rapid demobilization may prove counterproductive and may exacerbate the security dilemma by providing little safety for the disarming and demobilizing guerrilla movement. For the newly established or reconstituted police forces, the dilemma lies in the politics of recruitment. 81 Although a clear and workable separation of military and police institutions is judged to be an essential condition for democratic policing, the need to provide employment for demobilized combatants and militants, as well as the lack of other trained personnel, often dictates the inclusion of significant numbers of former guerrillas and military personnel into the police.

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