By Jennifer S. Hirsch

From approximately seven youngsters in keeping with lady in 1960, the fertility fee in Mexico has dropped to approximately 2.6. Such alterations are a part of a bigger transformation explored during this e-book, a richly specified ethnographic examine of generational and migration-related redefinitions of gender, marriage, and sexuality in rural Mexico and between Mexicans in Atlanta.

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Extra resources for A Courtship after Marriage: Sexuality and Love in Mexican Transnational Families

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71 Any account of a culture or experience is necessarily partial (both in the sense of not being complete or whole and in the sense of not being impartial), and so the challenge is to strike a balance between this awareness that knowledge is socially constructed and the need to make a coherent argument for a particular point of view. 72 The conclusions I draw in the pages that follow are not the only ones possible, but neither does it seem necessary to give up altogether and say that all conclusions are equally valid.

Beyond that, the road to Guadalajara (two hours away by bus) stretches through the arid plain. El Fuerte, Michoacán, is a small rural community next to the Lerma River, just off the main road between Degollado and the relatively large city (1990 population more than 80,000) of La Piedad, Michoacán. 68 The fact that many who consider themselves residents of El Fuerte may not have been present to be enumerated is reflected by the disproportionate numbers of women and men: there were 381 women, and only 264 men.

Bargaining theory focuses attention on the material and ideological factors that constrain people’s lives and on the way they maneuver within those constraints. It also highlights the gendered inequities of marriage without denying that women still have some room to negotiate—that is, it looks at women as perhaps less powerful, but certainly not powerless. The appropriateness of bargaining theory in diverse cultural contexts needs further exploration, and so I take a critical approach, exploring whether Mexican women conceive of their sexuality or fertility as something they can manage—that is, in what ways are these women sexual subjects (as opposed to objects) who understand their bodies to be individual as opposed to group property?

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