By Benny Morris

This historical past of the foundational conflict within the Arab-Israeli clash is groundbreaking, aim, and deeply revisionist. A riveting account of the army engagements, it additionally makes a speciality of the war's political dimensions. Benny Morris probes the causes and goals of the protagonists at the foundation of newly opened Israeli and Western documentation. The Arab side—where the records are nonetheless closed—is illuminated with the aid of intelligence and diplomatic materials. Morris stresses the jihadi personality of the two-stage Arab attack at the Jewish group in Palestine. all through, he examines the dialectic among the war's army and political advancements and highlights the army impetus within the production of the refugee challenge, which was once a derivative of the disintegration of Palestinian Arab society. The publication completely investigates the position of the nice Powers—Britain, the us, and the Soviet Union—in shaping the clash and its tentative termination in 1949. Morris seems either at excessive politics and common employees decision-making methods and on the nitty-gritty of strive against within the successive battles that resulted within the emergence of the nation of Israel and the humiliation of the Arab global, an embarrassment that underlies the ongoing Arab antagonism towards Israel. 

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Extra info for 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War

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In a larger sense, history was repeating itself, to the benefit of Zionism. As the pogroms in Russia in the i88os had launched modern Zionism, so the largest pogrom of them all propelled the movement, almost instantly, into statehood. And much as World War I had issued in the first important statement of support for a Jewish "national home," the Balfour Declaration, so the aftermath of World War II resulted in that decisive international warrant, the United Nations Partition Resolution of a9 November 1947, which would underpin the emergence of the State of Israel.

7 These petitioners sensed that the initial trickle of settlers was but the thin edge of the wedge and would be followed by masses of European Jews who, backed by the Jews' reputed legendary wealth, would Judaize the country. They were vaguely aware of the anti-Semitism that was propelling the Jews to Palestine (indeed, some of them shared the prejudice). But they saw no reason why they should host Europe's expellees or pay any price for the plight of Europe's Jews. And they failed to acknowledge the Jews' historic ties to the land, denying these Russian-speaking, strangely appareled immigrants any innate rights or just claims.

Herzl died (possibly of syphilis) in igo4, a broken man at the head of a poor, unsuccessful movement. But Herzl's was a success story. He had generated enough noise to place the Jewish problem, and his preferred "Zionist" solution, on the international agenda and to hammer together the rudiments of a world-embracing Zionist organization. In Basel, in 1897, the First Zionist Congress, organized by Herzl, had resolved to establish a "publicly and legally secured home [Heimstatte]" for the Jewish people in Palestine.

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